Det danske Fredsakademi
Kronologi over fredssagen og international politik 7. Oktober 2005 / Time Line October 7, 2005
Version 3.56. Oktober 2005, 8. Oktober 2005
10/07/2005
Modtageren af årets Nobelfredspris
offentliggøres:
The Norwegian Nobel Committee
THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE FOR 2005
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided that the Nobel Peace
Prize for 2005 is to be shared, in two equal parts, between the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and its Director
General, Mohamed ElBaradei, for their efforts to prevent nuclear
energy from being used for military purposes and to ensure that
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is used in the safest possible
way.
At a time when the threat of nuclear arms is again increasing, the
Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to underline that this threat must
be met through the broadest possible international cooperation.
This principle finds its clearest expression today in the work of
the IAEA and its Director General. In the nuclear non-proliferation
regime, it is the IAEA which controls that nuclear energy is not
misused for military purposes, and the Director General has stood
out as an unafraid advocate of new measures to strengthen that
regime. At a time when disarmament efforts appear deadlocked, when
there is a danger that nuclear arms will spread both to states and
to terrorist groups, and when nuclear power again appears to be
playing an increasingly significant role, IAEA's work is of
incalculable importance.
In his will, Alfred Nobel wrote that the Peace Prize should, among
other criteria, be awarded to whoever had done most for the
"abolition or reduction of standing armies". In its application of
this criterion in recent decades, the Norwegian Nobel Committee has
concentrated on the struggle to diminish the significance of
nuclear arms in international politics, with a view to their
abolition. That the world has achieved little in this respect makes
active opposition to nuclear arms all the more important today.
Nobelpris til IAEA og El Baradei
- jeg viser til oversendt kommentar (nederst) - og sender her med
et avsnitt fra den nye boka, utgitt for to dager siden, onsdag 5.
okt 2005
Av Fredrik S. HEFFERMEHL
"Vanunu - hans kamp og kampen for ham.":
Side 259
Hva Israels regjering - og folk - virkelig bør være
redd for
Er det et område hvor taushetsplikt og lovregler om
statshemmeligheter ikke bør gjelde, så er det i
spørsmål som har å gjøre med brudd
på atomsikkerhet. Det er nettopp ved denne typen farer at
samfunnet har behov for varsling. Atomområdet har det til
felles med den militære sektor at det er omgitt av et
betydelig vern mot innsyn - og dermed sterkt økt risiko for
at svært forkastelige forhold kan utvikle seg.
For meg er det etter hvert blitt en dyp sannhet at mangel på
offentlig innsyn og offentlig debatt med sikkerhet får alle
slags korrupte og forsømmelige tilbøyeligheter til
å blomstre. Dette prøvde jeg - i kjølvannet av
den såkalte Nukem-skandalen i Tyskland i 1988 - å
gjøre best mulig kjent. Det som der kom frem, kunne få
blodet til å fryse i årene på noen hver.
Atomavfall fra Tyskland ble fraktet til midlertidig lagring i
Frankrike fordi det ikke var lov å lagre tysk avfall i
Tyskland. Tyskerne på sin side mottok så midlertidig
lagring av fransk atomavfall - altså mye farlig
landeveistransport i det minste.
Folk bør kjenne realitetene bak de fine forespeilingene som
atomlobbyene gir om en forurensningsfri og ufarlig energikilde. Den
praktiske virkeligheten vil atomlobbyen ha minst mulig omtale av.
Når det gjelder denne typen sannheter, er Israels trolig
intet unntak.
Ikke nok med at Israels politiske ledere forledet sitt folk om
Vanunus motiver og begikk et alvorlig overgrep mot ham. Skandalen
stopper ikke der. Israelske myndigheter hadde sine helt spesielle
grunner da de forsøkte å få løfter av
Vanunu om at han aldri skulle fortelle noe mer om sitt arbeid
på Dimona. Disse grunnene hadde ikke å gjøre med
vern mot fiender. Det dreide seg om den dommen lederne i Israel
fryktet fra det israelske folk hvis folket skulle bli fullt
informert om hvilken fare det ble påført ved at Dimona
ble bygget og drevet.
Det har lenge vært en gåte for meg hvorfor ikke The
Sunday Times i 1986 offentliggjorde også det Vanunu fortalte
om den elendige arbeidsmoralen ved Dimona, og hvordan dette innebar
en meget sterk økning av risikoen for at noe kunne gå
galt.
Vanunu berettet for avisen at ledelsen ved Dimona var vel kjent med
den dårlige disiplinen "på gølvet". Mange av de
ansatte var ikke på plass. Anlegget ble jo langt på vei
drevet gjennom automatiserte prosesser som gikk sin gang, og det
var et uhyre kjedelig arbeid å sitte og vente på
signaler om avvik. Så kjedelig var det at få av de
ansatte orket å ta sine plikter helt på alvor, i stedet
sov de eller spilte kort i kantinen. Siden folkene var så
dårlige til å holde vakt, ble det til at
ingeniørene sørget for høylydte alarmer og
automatisk stans av prosessene ved avvik.
Men med slike tiltak oppnådde de bare å gjøre
jobbene enda kjedeligere - ingeniører er ikke psykologer, og
kanskje har problemet ingen løsning - folkene ble bare enda
mer umotiverte til å holde seg våkne på post. Det
var ingen liten styrke som skulle være i beredskap på
nattskiftene. På Vanunus tid var det i alt 43 fagfolk av
ulike slag, elektrikere, kjemikere, teknikere som - i beste fall -
spilte kort. De fleste lå og sov. Ingeniørene var godt
kjent med den dårlige arbeidsmoralen, mange av dem hadde tatt
etterutdannelse etter selv å ha vært "på
gølvet" i mange år. Men om vakthavende ingeniør
kom på overraskelsesbesøk hjemmefra, oppdaget han
aldri noe. Det var fast praksis at vakten ved innkjørselen
ringte og advarte de gangene en overordnet var underveis for
å inspisere.
Vanunu mener at det bare var han og en kollega som alltid holdt seg
våken. Men ingen ble oppdaget, det ble heller aldri reagert
mot denne sviktende arbeidsmoralen.
Det har i det hele tatt vist seg vanskelig, kanskje bortimot
umulig, å få til fungerende sikring mot slike forhold,
det gjelder ikke bare i Israel. I forbindelse med en ny skandale
rundt håndteringen av atomavfall, den såkalte
Castor-skandalen i 1998, skrev Fritz Vorholtz i Die Zeit:
Lenge var atomskandalen fra 1988, med Hanau-firmaene Transnuklear
og Nukem, den største i Forbundsrepublikken. Den gangen ble
det avdekket en sammensvergelse av kriminelle som drev med svindel,
smøring, fiksing og bestikkelser Š To av de
ansvarlige tok sine liv, og en rekke av de involverte fikk lange
fengselsstraffer. Daværende miljøminister Klaus
Töpfer omorganiserte de tyske atomfirmaene ... men
ifølge en rapport fra Greenpeace er det ikke blitt noen
endring når det gjelder de egentlige årsakene til
skandalen.
Gjennom 40 år leste jeg Teknisk Ukeblad regelmessig og
registrerte undertiden redaksjonelle hjertesukk om hvor lite folk
flest forsto av teknologiske forhold, og hvor mye bedre landet
ville ha blitt styrt om bare ingeniørene fikk litt mer
innflytelse i de politiske prosessene.
Jeg tror mange slags eksperter trenger en folkelig bremse og et
korrektiv fra andre miljøer, for eksempel at biologer,
psykologer og zoologer kan ha viktige ting å fortelle til
ingeniørene om naturens begrensninger - og menneskets!
Når tekniske ting går feil, er det vanlig å si at
det var en "menneskelig svikt", mens jeg vil si at den svikten
lå på skrivebordene, hvor man ikke tok i betraktning at
alt avhenger av mennesker - som blir syke, har
kjærlighetssorg, tømmermenn, eller kanskje
feilkalkulerer et eller annet, selv om de er i sin beste form. Selv
ikke en maskin, eller datamaskin, er for øvrig unntatt fra
loven om at alt som kan gå galt, går galt.
Skrivebordsfantasier om de perfekte systemene som hindrer feil med
atomteknologien, har jeg ingen tro på.
Jeg kan tenke meg to grunner til at The Sunday Times ikke nevnte
den elendige sikkerheten ved Dimona-anlegget. Enten ville avisen
unngå uro og bekymring - hele atomsektoren er avhengig av en
god porsjon uvitenhet blant folk om risiko og konsekvenser. The
Sunday Times kan også ha fryktet at temaet atomulykke ville
trekke oppmerksomheten vekk fra oppslagets hovedtema, som var de
sikkerhetspolitiske, regionale og internasjonale politiske
implikasjonene av Israels atomvåpenprogram.
Men for Israels innbyggere er aspektet atomsikkerhet og risiko
påført folket gjennom Dimona - i tillegg til all
risiko atomvåpnene representerer. Og det er enda en grunn til
å se annerledes på Vanunu og takke en som var folkets
og demokratiets beskytter - en "Folkets spion". Det var all grunn
til å få nedsatt en bred israelsk
undersøkelseskommisjon for å se på sikkerheten
og rutinene, i 1986 - og sikkert fortsatt i dag.
"Jaså, så du har hørt om det - fra hvem?" er
Mordechais bemerkning da jeg starter å lese for ham om
forholdene ved Dimona. Men min kilde er min. Mordechai er urolig
for at det kan bli oppfattet som om han fortsetter å snakke
om Dimona. På den annen siden - må jeg understreke for
ham - det er jo nettopp tilstander av denne art som ikke kan dekkes
over ved hjelp av taushetsplikt. I slike tilfeller må
lojaliteten med landets borgere telle langt tyngre enn hensynet til
de myndighetene, som har utsatt borgerne for så stor fare.
Israel ønsker å betraktes som et demokrati. Dette
bør være særdeles interessant og viktig for
israelsk opinion. Foretrekker israelerne at Vanunu er lojal mot de
lederne som har utsatt landet for så store farer, eller mot
sine medborgere i Israel?
Kommentaren jeg sendte
- Årets fredspris, til IAEA og generaldirektør El
Baradei retter med all grunn oppmerksomheten mot avskaffelse av
alle atomvåpen. Det fins ikke noe viktigere for verdens
overlevelse, uttaler visepresidenten i International Peace Bureau,
Fredrik S. Heffermehl til NTB. - Men El Baradei arbeider i spagat,
med en uløselig oppgave. Det er en stor selvmotsigelse i at
IAEA skal fremme sivil atomkraft og hindre spredning av
atomvåpen. Sivil atomkraft sprer atomteknologisk know-how og
spaltbare materialer, de to avgjørende faktorene for å
produsere atomvåpen.
Heffermehl utga for to dager siden en bok om det internasjonale
arbeidet for å fjerne alle atomvåpen, "Vanunu - hans
kamp og kampen for ham". Her fremlegges opplysninger om elendig
arbeidsdisiplin ved Dimona-anlegget, de aller fleste sov eller
spilte kort i stedet for å skjøtte sine oppgaver.
Dette er informasjon som varsleren Vanunu i 1986 ga til Sunday
Times, men som ikke ble publisert den gang. Heffermehl advarer i
boken om at "Skrivebordsfantasier om de perfekte systemene som
hindrer feil med atomteknologien, har jeg ingen tro på." --
Det store dilemma i hele atomnedrustningsarbeidet er at all
oppmerksomheten går på å hindre spredning, mens
El Baradeis virkelige utfordring er å få atommaktene
til å respektere sin plikt etter avtalen, nemlig å
avskaffe sine atomvåpen. Det var vilkåret for ät
resten av verden gikk med på å avstå fra
atomvåpen. I stedet ser man at den ledende atommakten, USA,
utvikler nye og mer brukbare våpen, avslutter Heffermehl.
10/07/2005
Sino-U.S. Energy Competition in Africa
Drafted By: Chietigj Bajpaee
http://www.pinr.com
With oil prices hitting record levels of US$70 per barrel in recent
weeks, major energy consuming countries are engaging in an
increasingly heated competition for energy resources on the world
stage. Nowhere is this more evident than between the United States
and China, the world's first and second largest energy consuming
countries respectively. In the contest for energy resources,
numerous "stages" of competition are emerging, including the Middle
East, Central Asia, Latin America, and the East and South China
Seas. However, Africa is fast emerging as one of the most volatile
stages of Sino-U.S. energy competition, given its vast reserves of
energy resources and concentration of internal security crises.
[See: "Setting the Stage for a New Cold War: China's Quest for
Energy Security"]
Africa owns about eight percent of the world's known oil reserves
with Nigeria, Libya and Equatorial Guinea as the region's leading
oil producers. Seventy percent of Africa's oil production is
concentrated in West Africa's Gulf of Guinea, which stretches from
the Ivory Coast to Angola. The low sulphur content of West African
crude makes it of further strategic importance.
However, the region is also vulnerable to instabilities ranging
from piracy to terrorism, interstate and tribal conflict, AIDS and
political uncertainties. Given the weak governments and significant
Muslim populations of the region, the African continent may also
emerge as a hub for al-Qaeda-linked terrorist groups.
Finally, oil-rich countries in Africa have been unable to escape
the "curse of oil," which has fueled corruption, conflict, and
environmental degradation across the region. For instance, while
Nigeria has earned US$300 billion in oil revenues over the last 25
years, per capita income remains below US$1 per day. Nigeria is
also subject to ethnic violence, oil strikes and sporadic attacks
on oil infrastructure by the Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force.
Adding Sino-U.S. energy competition to this volatile mix could
further destabilize the region.
U.S.-Africa Energy Relations
The U.S. currently derives 15 percent of its oil supplies from
Africa as compared to 22 percent from the Persian Gulf. Within the
next ten years, the U.S. could be depending on Africa for a quarter
of its oil supplies according to the U.S. National Intelligence
Council. Nigeria alone is the fifth biggest source of U.S. oil
imports with the United States accounting for half of Nigeria's oil
exports. Washington has also re-established diplomatic and energy
relations with Libya following the removal of economic sanctions in
September 2003 after Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons
program.
In addition to securing energy supplies in the region, the U.S. has
a burgeoning economic relationship with the region and has been
increasingly concerned with Africa's security situation, political
freedoms and human rights record. U.S.-Africa trade stood at
US$44.5 billion in 2004 with oil-rich Nigeria being the
second-largest source of U.S. investment after South Africa. Since
the September 11 attacks, the U.S. has also stepped up security
cooperation with African states. The U.S. Coast Guard has increased
patrols of the region as well as engaged in training, intelligence
sharing and public relations exercises with numerous states
including Sao Tome and Principe, Cape Verde, Ghana, Benin, and
Equatorial Guinea.
Meanwhile, the U.S. State Department's Trans-Sahara Counter
Terrorist Initiative has trained troops in Niger, Mauritania, Mali
and Chad. The U.S. also maintains a military base in Djibouti from
where it coordinates anti-terrorism operations on the continent.
[See: "Do Al-Qaeda's East Africa Operations Pose a Threat to U.S.
Interests?"]
Nevertheless, with military assets tied up in Afghanistan, Iraq and
the Persian Gulf, the U.S. has not been able to devote the
necessary attention to Africa, which in turn has allowed other
countries such as China to make further inroads.
Sino-Africa Energy Relations
China currently derives a quarter of its oil imports from Africa,
with oil interests in Algeria, Angola, Chad and Sudan and
increasing stakes in Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Nigeria. China's
energy interests in Chad are of particular interest given that Chad
still maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan.
China's growing energy partnership with Sudan represents one of a
number of areas where Sino-U.S. energy interests diverge in Africa.
China National Petroleum Corporation established oil exploration
rights in Sudan in 1995. Two years later when Washington cut ties
with Sudan, China filled the vacuum making Sudan China's largest
overseas production base. More than half of Sudan's oil exports go
to China, accounting for five percent of China's total oil imports.
C.N.P.C. owns a 40 percent stake in the Greater Nile Petroleum
Operating Company and pumps over 300,000 barrels per day in Sudan.
Another Chinese firm, Sinopec, is constructing a 1500 kilometer
(932 miles) pipeline to Port Sudan on the Red Sea, where China's
Petroleum Engineering Construction Group is building a tanker
terminal.
As in the case of U.S. relations with Africa, China's relations
with Africa are multidimensional. However, in recent years China's
political, economic and military relations with Africa have been
subordinated to its quest to secure energy resources in the African
continent as energy resources are being secured in exchange for
aid, arms or infrastructure investment. China's goodwill with
African states can be traced back to its support for anti-colonial
struggles in the 1960s. However, China's relations with Africa have
shifted from holding a strong ideological bias in support of
communist regimes and Marxist insurgencies to being led by market
and resource considerations.
Today the only ideological component to Sino-African relations is
the One China principle, although there are even exceptions to this
as seen in the case of growing Chinese energy interests in Chad,
which still has diplomatic relations with Taiwan. At present, only
seven African states hold diplomatic relations with Taiwan. African
states are also drawn to China by its non-ideological,
non-interventionist approach, which contrasts with the Western
approach that places an emphasis on democracy, governance, human
rights and humanitarian intervention.
China has also appealed to Africa through numerous goodwill
gestures. For example, the Chinese foreign minister has maintained
a policy of making his first official overseas trip to the African
continent every year. For decades, China has also supported
numerous infrastructure projects across Africa, as well as sending
doctors and nurses to the region, establishing scholarships for
African students to study in Chinese universities, providing
training to African businessmen and trade officials, and supplying
funds to encourage Chinese businesses to invest in Africa.
China also maintains dialogue with Africa through several bilateral
and multilateral forums such as the Asia-Africa Summit and the
China-Africa Business Council, which was jointly established with
the United Nations Development Programme in November 2004 to
support China's private sector investment in Cameroon, Ghana,
Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania. In 2000, China also
initiated the China-Africa Cooperation Forum comprising 46 of the
53 African countries. Among its accomplishments is canceling US$1.2
billion in debt for 31 African countries. China is also engaged in
negotiations to create a free trade area with the Southern African
Customs Union, as well as coordinating with African states in
international organizations such as the World Trade Organization
and United Nations.
On the economic front, Sino-Africa trade increased by 50 percent
between 2002 and 2003 to US$18.5 billion, which is expected to grow
to US$30 billion by 2005. At present, 700 Chinese companies operate
in 49 African countries and eight African countries have been
granted the status of "officially approved travel destinations" by
China. China has also expanded its military presence in the region
as seen with its deployment of peacekeepers to Liberia in December
2003, which occurred two months after Liberia switched its
diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China. China has also sent a
peacekeeping contingent to the Democratic Republic of Congo, as
well as providing uniforms to Mozambique's army, helicopters to
Mali and Angola, and weapons to Namibia and Sierra Leone.
Many of China's diplomatic initiatives in Africa are in direct
conflict with U.S. policy toward the region. For example, Beijing
supplied US$1 billion in arms to both Ethiopia and Eritrea during
their war from 1998 to 2000. Zimbabwe's President Robert
Mugabe, whose regime has been isolated from the West due to its
forced eviction of slum dwellers and white farmers, has also turned
to China for aid. Chinese investment in Zimbabwe amounted to US$600
million in 2004. China has upgraded Zimbabwe's transport
infrastructure, provided roofing material for Mugabe's US$9 million
palace, and provided the regime with Chinese-made Karakoroum
military trainer jets, MA60 passenger planes, and radio-jamming
equipment for a military base outside Harare, which has been used
to block transmissions by opposition parties.
China is also one of Sudan's leading arms suppliers. Sudan is the
largest recipient of Chinese overseas investment and up to 10,000
Chinese nationals work in the country. The Sudanese government,
which has recently concluded a peace agreement with the Sudan
People's Liberation Movement/Army (S.P.L.M./A.) in the south, is
still engaged in a conflict in the Darfur region of western Sudan
using proxy militias such as the Janjaweed. In 2004, the U.N.
Security Council was forced to water down a resolution condemning
atrocities in the Darfur region to avoid a Chinese veto. China
abstained in the vote over the final weaker resolution. With Sudan
and Iran together supplying China with 20 percent of its oil
imports, U.S. attempts to contain these regimes bring it into
direct conforntation with China's energy security policies. [See:
"Intelligence Brief: Sudan"]
The United States and China are not the only states vying for
energy resources in Africa. Recently, Korea National Oil
Corporation obtained 65 percent oil and gas production rights in
two Nigerian offshore blocks, while India's Oil and Natural Gas
Corporation Videsh obtained a 25 percent stake. South Korea and
India are the world's fourth and sixth largest energy consumers
respectively. India and China both hold stakes in the Greater Nile
Oil Project in Sudan with India having invested US$700 million in
Sudan's oil sector. China and India have also been engaged in
direct competition for African energy resources, as seen in October
2004 when China outbid India to buy an interest in an offshore
block in Angola. [See: "Economic Brief: China's Energy
Acquisitions"]
Conclusion
Sino-U.S. relations are going through a cold spell as a result of
disputes over U.S. quotas on Chinese-made textiles and China's
military expenditures, exchange rate policy, intellectual property
rights infringements, human rights record, and relations with
dictatorial "rogue" or anti-U.S. regimes including Iran, Myanmar,
Nepal, Uzbekistan, and Venezuela. The recent postponement of the
much-anticipated meeting between Chinese President Hu Jintao and
U.S. President George W. Bush in Washington as a result of the
relief efforts for Hurricane Katrina is likely to add insult to
injury among some in Beijing. [See: "Economic Brief: Textile
Quotas"]
While there have been gestures of rapprochement in Sino-U.S.
relations such as the recently initiated Sino-U.S. Strategic
Dialogue and both states along with India, Australia, Japan and
South Korea establishing an energy partnership known as the Asia
Pacific Partnership on Clean Development, the competition to secure
energy resources on the world stage could fuel their already shaky
relationship.
The recent failed bid by Chinese energy company China National
Offshore Oil Corporation to acquire U.S. energy company Unocal is
evidence of this. Facing a plethora of internal crises ranging from
poverty to poor governance and civil war, Africa is likely to
emerge as a volatile stage of Sino-U.S. energy competition. African
states have been drawn to China by its non-interventionist,
non-ideological approach in conducting relations, although China's
attempts to secure energy resources in conflict-ridden states by
offering aid or arms-for-oil could heighten instability in the
region.
Report Drafted By:
Chietigj Bajpaee
The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an independent
organization that utilizes open source intelligence to provide
conflict analysis services in the context of international
relations. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and
interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This
report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the
written permission of inquiries@pinr.com. All comments should be
directed to content@pinr.com.
10/07/2005
Bush Will Veto Anti-Torture Law after Senate Revolt
by Francis Harris
© 2005 Iraq Veterans Against the War and The Telegraph
(UK)
http://www.ivaw.net/index.php?id=161
The Bush administration pledged yesterday to veto legislation
banning the torture of prisoners by US troops after an overwhelming
and almost unprecedented revolt by loyalist congressmen.
The mutiny was the latest setback for an administration facing an
increasingly independent and bloody-minded legislature. But it also
marked a key moment in Congress's campaign to curtail the huge
powers it has granted the White House since 2001 in its war against
terrorism.
The late-night Senate vote saw the measure forbidding torture
passed by 90 to nine, with most Republicans backing the measure.
Most senators said the Abu Ghraib abuse scandal and similar
allegations at the Guantánamo Bay prison rendered the result
a foregone conclusion.
The administration's extraordinary isolation was underlined when
the Senate Republican majority leader, Bill Frist, supported the
amendment.
The man behind the legislation, Republican Senator John McCain, who
was tortured as a prisoner in Vietnam, said the move was backed by
American soldiers. His amendment would prohibit the "cruel,
inhumane or degrading" treatment of prisoners in the custody of
America's defense department.
The vote was one of the largest and best supported congressional
revolts during President George W Bush's five years in office, and
shocked the White House.
"We have put out a Statement of Administration Policy saying that
his advisers would recommend that he vetoes it if it contains such
language," White House spokesman Scott McClellan warned
yesterday.
The administration said Congress was attempting to tie its hands in
the war against terrorism.
The veto would be Bush's first use of his most extreme legislative
option. But senators pointed out that a presidential veto can be
overturned by a two-thirds majority in both houses.
For now the amendment's fate depends on negotiations between the
Senate and the lower chamber, the House of Representatives, which
is more loyal to the administration.
But senators said they were confident that most of the language
would survive and that the issue could pose an extremely awkward
dilemma for the president.
The amendment was attached to the $440 billion (£247 billion)
defense-spending bill, and if Bush vetoes the amendment, he would
have to veto the entire bill.
That would leave America's armed forces in Iraq and Afghanistan
short of cash as early as the middle of next month.
10/07/2005
Plutoniumforurening nær Thule
http://www.dr.dk/Nyheder/Indland/2005/10/07/104347.htm
Der er fundet plutonium på landjorden i området
nær Thule hvor et amerikansk bombefly i 1968 styrtede med et
last på fire brint-bomber.
En ny rapport fra forskningscentret Risø dokumenterer, at
der er plutoniumsforurening på landjorden ved Narssarssuk -
Dundas - i Nordgrønland...
10/07/2005
CONTRACTS from the United States Department of Defense
Rockwell Collins Government Systems, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, is being
awarded a $49,999,999 firm fixed price indefinite
delivery/indefinite quantity contract to provide Rockwell Collins
Security Devices for Global Positioning System receivers. These
devices include Precise Positioning Services Modules and Auxiliary
Output Chips Selective Availability Anti-Spoofing Module. The
location of performance is Rockwell Collins, Coralville, Iowa. The
work will be complete by September 2010. Negotiations were complete
September 2005. The Headquarters Space and Missile Systems Center,
Los Angeles Air Force Base, Calif. is the contracting activity
(FA8807-05-D-0004).
Lockheed Martin Mission Systems, Colorado Springs, Colo., is being
awarded a $44,018,059 cost plus award fee/cost plus fixed fee/firm
fixed price/time and materials contract modification. This action
exercises the fiscal 2005 option CLINs for the Integrated Space
Command and Control System USSTRATCOM Command Center Upgrade,
Mobile Consolidated Command and Control, and the Shared Early
Warning System. In addition, this action is a modification to the
basic contract to definitize in-scope engineering change proposals
for the Single Integrated Space Picture, Space Situational
Awareness Command and Control Test Bed, System Operations training
for network operations, equipment installation in the USSTRATCOM
Global Operations Center and adds additional incremental funding to
cover fiscal year 05 development and sustainment overruns. ISC2
will modernize the command and control system of North American
Aerospace Defense Command and USSTRATCOM into an integrated,
interoperable, state of the art capability to support the National
Command Authority and the Canadian Chief of Defense Staff for the
defense of North America. The C2 system provides warning of
ballistic missile, aircraft, space, and information attacks against
North America. Using modern software, ISC2 will integrate worldwide
communications networks, computer systems, and software to provide
an integrated view of worldwide events that will ensure complete
and timely situational awareness that can support political and
military command decisions worldwide. At this time, $7,747,247 has
been obligated. This work will be complete in December 2008. The
Headquarters Electronic Systems Command, Hanscom Air Force Base,
Mass., is the contracting activity (F19628-00-C-0019/P00059).
L3/Interstate Electronics Corp., Anaheim, Calif., is being awarded
a $27,862,500 cost-plus-fixed-fee, cost-plus-incentive-fee
contract. The contractor shall provide services including program
management, system engineering support, liaison engineering,
training, documentation, manufacturing support, logistics, contract
inventory services, and field services to ensure the data capture
rate, availability and accuracy of the TRIDENT II FBM Test
Instrumentation hardware systems including M345/LASS, M240/M240R,
and M250 systems. In addition the contractor shall provide for the
United Kingdom Level-Of-Effort support, repairs and replenishment
and SPALTs (Strategic Systems Programs alternations). Work will be
performed in Anaheim, Calif., and is expected to be completed by
September 2005. This contract was not competitively procured.
Contract funds in the amount of $22,474,700 will expire at the end
of the current fiscal year. The Navy's Strategic Systems Program,
Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity
(N00030-05-C-0001).
Lockheed Martin Corp., Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Co., Ft. Worth,
Texas, is being awarded a $6,528,956,871 modification to
re-baseline the previously awarded cost-plus-award-fee F-35 Joint
Strike Fighter System Development and Demonstration contract
(N00019-02-C-3002). The modification establishes the funding,
technical requirements and schedule required to complete the
re-baseline program and perform additional work associated with the
integration of a P5 Combat Training System, Alternate Mission
Equipment (AME) Survivability improvements, Shared Courseware
Object Reference Model (SCORM) requirements, certification of the
Precision Guided Bomb, and radar modifications. Work will be
performed in Ft. Worth, Texas (75 percent); El Segundo, Calif. (15
percent); and Wharton, United Kingdom (10 percent), and is expected
to be completed in October 2013. Contract funds will not expire at
the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Air Systems Command,
Patuxent River, Md., is the contracting activity.
MILCOM Systems Corp., Virginia Beach, Va., is being awarded a
$9,900,000 modification to a previously awarded
indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity, cost plus, fixed fee,
performance based contract (N65236-03-D-7842) for ship alteration,
installation, and drafting services supporting C4ISR cryptologic,
communications and intelligence systems. The cumulative value of
this contract, including this modification is $49,014,978. Work
will be performed in Charleston, S.C. (51 percent); Tidewater, Va.
(23 percent); Jacksonville, Fla. (14 percent); and San Diego, Ca.
(12 percent), and is expected to be completed by June 2005*.*
Contract funds will not expire at the end of the current fiscal
year._ _ This contract was competitively procured with unlimited
proposals solicited and four offers received via the Federal
Business Opportunities website, and the SPAWAR e-Commerce Central
website. The Space and Naval Warfare Systems Center, Charleston,
S.C. is the contracting activity.
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