Det danske Fredsakademi

Kronologi over fredssagen og international politik 20. maj 2004 / Time Line May 20, 2004

Version 3.0

19. Maj 2004, 21. Maj 2004


05/20/2004
Amnesty International støtter Dansk Røde Kors kritik af regering og folketing
Amnesty bakker op om generalsekretær Jørgen Poulsen fra Dansk Røde Kors offentlige kritik af såvel tidligere som nuværende regeringer og folketing for ikke at tage Genévekonventionerne alvorligt og dermed forårsage et skred i holdningerne til tortur og menneskerettigheder.
- Vi er fuldstændig enige med Jørgen Poulsen og det er meget befriende, at Røde Kors sætter ord på det centrale problem, nemlig at respekten for Genèvekonventionerne skrider, siger Amnesty Internationals generalsekretær, Lars Norman Jørgensen.
Læs mere om Amnestys arbejde med Irak og de rapporter, som regeringen overså, på: http://www.amnesty.dk/bibliotek/aktuelt/irak/
Amnesty International calls for a commission of inquiry into 'war on terror' detentions
Amnesty International is calling for an impartial and independent commission of inquiry to be set up by the United States Congress to conduct a thorough investigation into the USA's "war on terror" detentions across the globe. Such a commission, composed of credible experts independent of government, must have broad-ranging powers to examine the administration's detention policies and practices and ensure accountability at the highest level.
The investigation must have the full cooperation of the government. Its purpose must be to ensure that from now on the USA adopts policies that fully meet its international obligations, as well as to identify any officials who may have authorized, condoned or committed war crimes and other human rights abuses in Iraq, Afghanistan, Guantánamo Bay or elsewhere.
The evidence of war crimes committed in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq has followed persistent claims of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment against detainees during the past two and a half years of the "war on terror". The USA continues daily to violate international law and standards in its detention policy -- by holding detainees outside the protection of the law, including in Guantánamo, Afghanistan and in secret locations. Its alleged transfer of detainees to face torture in third countries has also been a matter of deep concern throughout this period.
Since the outset of the "war on terror", the US administration has fostered a climate conducive to torture and cruelty. A contemptuous approach to international law and standards, the use of incommunicado and secret detention, and the repeated dehumanization and labelling of all detainees as "killers" and "terrorists", have created conditions ripe for torture and other crimes under international law.
Even the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has not had full access to all detainees. The military investigation into Abu Ghraib by Major General Antonio Taguba raised the situation of "ghost detainees", who were moved around within the facility to hide them from the ICRC. The ICRC's own report in February on Coalition detentions in Iraq "establishes that persons deprived of their liberty face the risk of being subjected to a process of physical and psychological coercion, in some cases tantamount to torture". Failure to notify relatives of detainees' whereabouts resulted "in the de facto 'disappearance' of the arrestee for weeks or even months." The ICRC report also said that ill-treatment of detainees deemed to have high intelligence value was systematic, and that the use of solitary confinement in small cells devoid of daylight against such detainees violated the Geneva Conventions.
The commander of the US forces in Iraq has now barred interrogators from using some of the "stress and duress" techniques, reportedly including sleep deprivation, dietary manipulation, stress positions, and the use of dogs, techniques which Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld told a Senate hearing on 12 May had been approved at the Pentagon. Although some such techniques violate the international prohibition on cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, their use has not been precluded in interrogations in Afghanistan, Guantánamo or at secret locations.
In an open letter to President Bush on 7 May 2004, Amnesty International cited the case of a Yemeni national who told the organization in April that he was subjected to sleep deprivation and other cruel or degrading treatment by US agents, including being photographed naked, at a secret detention facility in Kabul. In another recent interview, a former Afghan police officer has said that he was subjected to beating, kicking, sleep deprivation, and sexual abuse during the more than a month he spent in US custody in Afghanistan in 2003. He also said he had been repeatedly photographed, often while naked.
Last week the New York Times published evidence that torture -- including water submersion -- has been used against "high value" detainees at secret locations. The latest edition of the New Yorker magazine reports that the Secretary of Defense approved the expansion of a secret operation -- a "special-access program" (SAP) -- originally for use against such detainees, to prisoners incarcerated in Iraq in the insurgency there. The secret tactics, it is stated, allowed for sexual humiliation and physical coercion. The Department of Defense has issued a general denial of the New Yorker's thorough report, characterizing it as "outlandish, conspiratorial, and filled with error and anonymous conjecture", but has not provided a detailed response to the allegations made.
There is growing evidence that the abuse of prisoners in US custody has been widespread and resulted from US policies as well as a leadership failure. However, the administration continues to claim that only a few soldiers have been responsible. President Bush himself, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, is promoting this message. The most appropriate way to get to the bottom of this and to meet international concern is to establish an expert inquiry independent of government. To ensure its effectiveness and the appearance of impartiality in the eyes of the world, the inquiry would benefit form the advice of international experts such as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture.
Prosecuting the "few" alleged perpetrators caught on film in Abu Ghraib prison would clearly not be enough. Full accountability, of persons at all levels of the chain of command, including officers in the armed forces, Central Intelligence Agency personnel and private contractors, with no hint of scapegoating of low-level soldiers and reservist officers, is crucial.
A commission of inquiry must not be a substitute for bringing to justice anyone who has committed human rights violations, including war crimes. As a matter of principle, across all countries, Amnesty International takes the position that justice is best served by prosecuting war crimes and other grave violations of international law, such as torture, in independent and impartial civilian courts. Any trials, however, whether military or civilian, must conform fully to international standards for fair trial.
The problem does not begin or end at Abu Ghraib. The rule of law and promotion of security and human rights demand that daylight be shone onto all US detention policies and practices.

05/20/2004
IOF perpetrate a massacre in Rafah, Shelling a demonstration with missiles and artillery; dozens killed and wounded
In a serious escalation of their war crimes against civilians in Rafah, the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF ) shelled air-to-ground guided missiles and tank shells on a peaceful demonstration in the Gaza southern town of Rafah today Wednesday 19 May 2004. Dozens of casualties were reported; mostly children. Eyewitnesses said that human parts were seen on the ground of the shelling while IOF opened fire at ambulances.
Al Mezan Center for Human Rights emphasizes that this deliberate act constitutes a war crime and a serious escalation of the ongoing crimes and human rights violations perpetrated by the IOF, which have been going unpunished by the International Community. The Center also asserts that the entire world keeps a shameful, questionable state of silence towards Israel’s daily killing of civilians and destruction of civilian property in a systematic, punitive manner.
Al Mezan holds the International Community, and in particular the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Times of War, of 12 August 1949, responsible for these continued war crimes, which are for a great deal caused by its silence and disregard of reported crimes in the past years, which has encouraged Israel to proceed and enjoy a status of a impunity. The International Community holds a responsibility to pursue and bring to justice the Israeli criminals who perpetrated and ordered the perpetration of such crimes.
Hence, Al Mezan Center for Human Rights calls upon the International Community to relinquish from implicitly encouraging the war crimes perpetrated by IOF in the occupied Palestinian territories and to take immediate steps to ensure the protection of Palestinian civilians by bringing to an immediate halt the latest IOF incursion in Rafah that started early Tuesday 18 May 19, 2004 and during which a civilian demonstration was shelled with heavy ammunition, and to Israel's continued violations of Palestinians' human rights. The Center reminds the International Community of the responsibilities it bears under international law and treaty law and that an urgent intervention is most urgent now.
8 arrested, 3 to hospital after police disperses T-A Rafah protest
We heard what happened in Rafah while preparing in the Gush office for the already announced Friday protest at the Gaza entrance. We couldn''t think of a more fitting reaction than sending out a call to come - once more - to the Defense Ministry for an immediate protest. On the way there, with our banners and shields, we felt rather futile compared with those on whose behalf we were going to protest: the Rafah demonstrators in the middle of whom a helicopter gunship had sent a missile wounding dozens and among the ones killed several kids...
Still, the protest of some 250 - with besides Gush Shalom a very visible (and loud) presence of the dissident reservists (Courage to Refuse) and the Anarchists - had more spirit than the mass rally some days earlier. People easily found each other in furious chanting and the blag flags were there again. Nobody was surprised when some of the young took the initiative of blocking the street. More and more left the sidewalk. Police who started coming, closed off the Kaplan road for traffic, but before they could isolate us we had started marching. Chanting while walking from the Defence ministry gate through the whole Kaplan street into Ibn Gvirol, and from there towards the Rabin Square.
Reactions of passers-by were not unfriendly, and we nearly thought that the police for once decided not to show the usual behavior on this day of shame, but then suddenly they come from nowhere diving into the crowd and singling some out for arrest. Gush Shalom spokesperson Adam Keller was the first - seven polices dragged him, forcing him face-down on the street, and from seeing how they handled his arms and legs it seemed a miracle that he afterwards was not among the three (out of eight arrested) who had to go to hospital. The others were treated no better: Matan Cohen (wounded) , Yonathan Pollack (the "recidivist" anarchist), Elad Orian, refusnik David Zonscheine, Lezer Peled (wounded), Roni Avidov, Gal Chajad (wounded).
Some thirty demonstrators came to the police station, with two of them being able to function as lawyers (adv. Micheal Sfarad, himself a refuser, and activist advocate Yael Varda). After we had seen the wounded three handcuffed but on their feet coming out of the sstation to enter an ambulance, at 11pm the message came that the other arrestees would spend the night at Abu-Kabir (the Arabic name of this prison dating back to the pre-'48 period) after which the judge would decide what to do further.
UNICEF calls for the protection of children in Rafah
JERUSALEM, 19 May 2004 – UNICEF said today it is deeply concerned about the impact on children of the ongoing military operation in the Gaza Strip, particularly a missile strike Wednesday that claimed the lives of at least 10 Palestinians, many of them children.
"Palestinian children have a right to be protected against all acts of violence in the midst of the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict," said David S. Bassiouni, UNICEF Special Representative in Jerusalem. "They have a right to a safe shelter, safe access to their schools and to health services," he said.
With the recent military actions in Rafah – and Wednesday's missile strike – at least 10 children have already lost their lives, including Asma and Ahmed, a 16 and 13-year-old girl and boy, respectively, shot in their home in Rafah on Tuesday morning. Many additional children have been injured and all are facing psychosocial distress.
The ongoing house demolitions in Rafah have left more 1,100 Palestinian people homeless in a 10 day period alone, out of which almost 600 are children. Between September 2000 and May 2004, more than 11,000 Palestinians have lost their homes.
UNICEF, jointly with other UN agencies, is assessing the impact of house demolitions on children and will support efforts to help restore normalcy to children's lives.
Since the start of the conflict, Israeli and Palestinian children have paid a very heavy price, UNICEF said. Over 660 children under age 18 have been killed, of which 560 were Palestinian and 104 were Israeli – including four Israeli sisters killed by militants in an attack in the Gaza Strip on May 2.
"UNICEF calls on the State of Israel to abide by its obligations to the Convention on the Rights of the Child by protecting children from direct exposure to violence, and providing those who have lost their homes with alternative housing," Bassiouni said. "The injudicious use of force where children are present can only bring about the deaths of innocent youngsters. We urge the Israeli authorities to reconsider the impact these incursions are having on Palestinian children."
For further information, please contact:
Michael Bociurkiw
Communications Officer
UNICEF Jerusalem
Tel: +972-2-583-0013/4 (ext 242)
Fax: +1-416-352-5068
Mobile: +972-577-293214 / +972-59674385
Email: mbociurkiw@unicef.org

05/20/2004
Livermore Lab's draft operating document
May 20, 2004
Mr. Thomas Grim, L-293
U.S. Department of Energy,
National Nuclear Security Administration
Livermore Site Office, SWEIS Document Manager
7000 East Avenue
Livermore, CA 94550-9234
Fax: (925) 422-1776
Email: tom.grim@oak.doe.gov
RE: Comments on the Department of Energy's Site-Wide Environmental Impact Statement (SWEIS) for Continued Operations at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL).
Dear Mr. Grim:
Through this letter we are expressing our deep concern with the health and environmental risks posed by the expanded nuclear weapons mission for the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL) into the indefinite future. We appreciate your focused attention to this matter. Below, we have outlined a number of specific concerns that, taken cumulatively, lead us to the conclusion that the Site Wide Environmental Impact Statement (SWEIS) for the continuing operation of LLNL is so deficient in information and analysis that it must be fixed and re-circulated in draft form. This would allow the community, the regulators, and the legislators to have the opportunity to evaluate the new information that is requested in these comments. Our specific concerns are:
1. The same day of the public hearings for the SWEIS, April 27, 2004, the Congressional Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats, and International Relations for the Committee on Government Reform held a hearing on the security of nuclear materials. The hearing highlighted potentially insurmountable problems with plutonium and highly enriched uranium at certain Department of Energy (DOE) sites, with a focus on the vulnerability of nuclear materials storage at LLNL. On May 7, 2004, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham delivered a speech on the deficiencies in the security of nuclear materials at LLNL and other DOE sites. The Energy Secretary made a commitment to consider removing the special nuclear materials at LLNL by 2005. This recent acknowledgement by the DOE that security at LLNL is questionable makes it imperative that the SWEIS evaluate an alternative that would remove all special nuclear materials from LLNL. These acknowledgements make this not only a reasonable option, but one that should be evaluated because it is a foreseeable outcome within the next decade at LLNL.
2. Instead of reducing the amount of special nuclear materials on-site at LLNL, this plan proposes to more than double the limit for plutonium at Livermore Lab from 1,540 pounds to 3,300 pounds. Additionally, under the Proposed Action, the administrative limit for highly enriched uranium in Building 239 would increase from 55 pounds to 110 pounds. Seven million people live in surrounding areas, and residences are built right up to the fence. Plutonium is difficult to store safely because, in certain forms, it can spontaneously ignite and burn. Moreover, it poses a criticality risk when significant quantities are stored in close proximity. The amount of plutonium proposed for LLNL is sufficient to make more than 300 nuclear bombs. Because of the health risks, the proliferation dangers, storage hazards, and very serious security concerns, we believe it is irresponsible to store plutonium, highly enriched uranium and tritium at LLNL. We are calling upon the DOE to de-inventory the plutonium, highly enriched uranium and tritium stocks at LLNL rather than to increase them.
3. The SWEIS proposes to increase the at-risk limits for tritium ten fold, from just over 3 grams to 30 grams. The SWEIS proposes to increase the at-risk limit for plutonium from 44 pounds to 132 pounds. We believe it is unsafe to increase the amount of tritium and plutonium that can be "in process" in one room at one time. LLNL has a history of criticality violations with plutonium and releases of both tritium and plutonium, making it evident that these amounts should be decreased, rather than increased.
4. This plan will revive a project that was canceled more than 10 years ago because it was dangerous and unnecessary. The project was called Plutonium - Atomic Vapor Laser Isotope Separation (AVLIS). Now it is called the "Integrated Technology Project"(ITP) and the "Advanced Materials Program"(AMP). This is a scheme to heat and vaporize plutonium and then shoot multiple laser beams through the vapor to separate out plutonium isotopes. The ITP / AMP is a health risk and a nuclear proliferation nightmare. We believe the ITP and AMP work should be cancelled as the Plutonium AVLIS was cancelled in 1990 - this time permanently.
5. This plan makes Livermore Lab the place to test new manufacturing technologies for producing plutonium pits for nuclear weapons. A pit is the softball-sized piece of plutonium that sits inside a modern nuclear weapon and triggers its thermonuclear explosion. DOE says these new technologies will then be used in a new bomb factory, called the Modern Pit Facility (MPF). Public and Congressional opposition to the MPF has caused its delay this year. The Livermore Lab plutonium pit program goes full-speed ahead in the wrong direction. It will enable the MPF and production of 150 - 450 plutonium bomb cores annually, with the ability to run double shifts and produce 900 cores per year. This production capability would approximate the combined nuclear arsenals of France and China - each year. We call upon the DOE to halt all work on plutonium pit production technologies at Livermore Lab. We believe it is premature for the DOE to spend taxpayer dollars on this technology and the prudent and reasonable outcome is to delay or cancel this project.
6. This plan will add plutonium, highly-enriched uranium and large quantities of lithium hydride to experiments in the National Ignition Facility mega-laser when it is completed at Livermore Lab. Using these materials in the NIF will increase its usefulness for nuclear weapons development, including for the design of new types of nuclear weapons. It will also make the NIF more hazardous to workers and the environment. This is not only dangerous to people's health and safety, and a proliferation risk, but it is sure to result in an inordinate cost to the taxpayer. No cost estimate associated with this proposal has been released to date. We ask the DOE to cancel these dangerous, polluting, proliferation-provocative and unnecessary new experiments proposed for the NIF.
7. The SWEIS reveals plans to manufacture tritium targets at LLNL. The tritium-filled targets are the radioactive fuel pellets that the NIF's 192 laser beams will "shoot" in an attempt to create a thermonuclear explosion. Producing the targets will increase the amount of tritium that is used in any one room at Livermore Lab from the current limit of just over 3 grams to 30 grams - nearly 10-fold more. In the mid-1990's, LLNL stated that target fabrication was to occur off-site because of LLNL's proximity to large populations. Livermore Lab has a history of tritium accidents, spills and releases. The NIF will increase the amount of airborne radioactivity emanating from LLNL. We call on DOE to cancel plans to manufacture tritium targets for NIF at Livermore Lab. Further, we urge cancellation of the NIF megalaser. Cancellation of NIF is a reasonable alternative that should be fully analyzed in the SWEIS.
8. This plan also calls for Livermore Lab to develop diagnostics to "enhance" the nation's readiness to conduct full-scale underground nuclear tests. This is a dangerous step back to the days of unrestrained nuclear testing. All work at LLNL to reduce the time it takes to conduct a full-scale underground nuclear test should be terminated immediately.
9. This plan mixes bugs and bombs at Livermore. It calls for collocating an advanced bio-warfare agent facility (BSL-3) with nuclear weapons activities in a classified area at Livermore Lab. The plan proposes genetic modification and aerosolization (spraying) with live anthrax, plague and other deadly pathogens. This could weaken the international biological weapons treaty -- and it poses a risk to workers, the public and the environment here in the Bay Area. The draft SWEIS does not adequately describe these programs, or the unique security, health and environmental hazards they present. Construction should be halted on the portable BSL-3 facility. All plans to conduct advanced bio-warfare agent (BSL-3) research on site at LLNL should be terminated.
10. There are 108 buildings identified at LLNL as having potential seismic deficiencies relative to current codes. The SWEIS should include a complete list of these buildings and an accounting of the ones that house or may house hazardous, radiological and biological research materials. LLNL is located within 1 kilometer of two significant earthquake faults, including the Las Positas Fault Zone less than 200 feet from the LLNL boundary. How can we mitigate harm done from an earthquake that damages these buildings before they are brought up to code? We urge the Livermore Lab to stop any work with hazardous, radioactive or biological substances that may be occurring in any building that does not comply with federal standards.
11. A contractor will be paid to package and ship more than 1,000 drums of transuranic and mixed transuranic waste to the WIPP dump in New Mexico, yet the SWEIS says this is exempt from environmental review. This work in its entirety must be included in the review.
12. The DOE does not acknowledge in the SWEIS that the double-walled shipping containers described in the document may be replaced by less health - protective single-lined containers. We believe that no waste should be shipped in single-walled containers and the SWEIS should provide a guarantee to that effect.
13. The Purpose and Need statement in the SWEIS relies heavily upon the US Nuclear Posture Review, which calls for an aggressive modernization and manufacturing base within the US nuclear weapons complex. This stands in stark contrast to the binding legal mandate to shift "from developing and producing new weapons designs to dismantling obsolete weapons and maintaining a smaller weapons arsenal". We believe a revised Purpose and Need statement should accurately reflect the Livermore Lab's legal responsibility with regard to US law, including US obligations under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
Further, the Purpose and Need statement in the SWEIS almost completely omits LLNL's important role in civilian science research. This omission fatally flaws the alternatives analysis in the SWEIS by neglecting to consider the expanded role that civilian science programs at the LLNL could play in the next decade.
The alternatives analysis should be revised to consider LLNL's role in light of the commitments in the NPT and the Livermore Lab's civilian science mission as well as the compelling case for removing special nuclear materials (i.e., plutonium and highly enriched uranium) from the LLNL site.
Sincerely,

05/20/2004

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