The Danish Peace Academy
GANDHI AND NORDIC COUNTRIES
Collected by E. S. Reddy and Holger Terp. - Editors and
publishers E. S. Reddy and Holger Terp.
Hørup, Ellen: Mohandas Gandhi
INTRODUCTION
Selected writing about Mohandas Gandhi, written by the Danish
journalist Ellen Hørup (1871-1953).
(An introduction to Ellen Hørups writing is here.)
"In Gandhis magazine "Young India" from 1929 there is
an article entitled "The Hindu Wife", where he is asked for advice
regarding a woman married to a man who treats her meanly. But
Gandhi is against separation. What women need is education and
upbringing. But when a man ties a women to a pole to make her look
at his outrageousness, then I don't understand that the women is
the one who needs education. Gandhi declared that she should go
back home and find a job. But she has never learned anything, and
possibly her parents are so poor, that they can't take her back.
Does Gandhi know the words of the Chinese mother to her daughter,
who, driven to the uttermost despair, runs from her husband back to
her mother, who exclaims: "What do you come here for? Don't you
know I can't help you, or have you forgotten the way to the
river?"
But Gandhi is against separation. And even if the
parents took her back, then she is, according to Hindu law,
segregated from anything resembling normal life. She is not even
seen as a widow. Instead the women has to suffer and do without a
normal life. Why? Is it justice that she is going to be punished
because her parents gave her to a bestial man?
In one of the last numbers of "Harijan", Gandhi
discusses birth control with an English advocate of the cause.
Gandhi is against it. He too doesn't want children before India has
been liberated. But he demands abstinence. Only when the intention
is to create new life is intercourse ethical. If two persons do it
only for the sake of the enjoyment, then they are, instead of being
near the divine, near the devilish. Is this not the unnatural
teaching of Asceticism, which all healthy people, including the
scientists, have long ago abandoned as dangerous?
Gandhi says that women are stronger than men. When a
woman would rather die than give in, the worst beast can't make her
do something against her will. But when the English woman then asks
what a poor woman should do when her husband takes another wife,
Gandhi answers that the English woman is changing the subject. Are
there no poor women? Has Gandhi forgotten the girl-child married
away in the age of 12 to 14? Is she not the one who has to fight
for her life in order to escape pregnancy every time her husband
wants her, and who no beast of a man can overcome? Has Gandhi no
idea that a woman has the same need for devotion as a man, and
suffers the same trouble of jealousy as Gandhi himself did when he
was at school knowing that his wife was visiting her
friends?"
GANDHI ON RELIGION
"Gandhi enters the great and admirable fight for the
untouchables. He fasts for their right to get into the temples for
which he is subject to attempted assassinations, and he gets the
entire priesthood on his back. Gandhi has declared that there is no
such thing as an untouchable in the holy writings, and even if
there was, it would conflict with all humanity and therefore not
could be divine truth. Everybody enthusiastically follows him on
his Harijan-tour. But the untouchable is a by-product of the caste
system, and Gandhi fights for the untouchable but wishes to keep
the caste system. As if we don't have enough with fighting the
caste system, which, based on differences in money, education, work
and sex, is the stain on the world human society. Gandhi wants to
keep only the four main castes, and he would not allow one caste to
be regarded as lesser than another. How shall he gain that end in a
country where the haughtiness of the highest castes is so great
that one is defiled if but the shadow of an untouchable falls upon
one? How can Gandhi believe that he can do away with the caste
system itself? Does Gandhi's fight for the untouchable amount to
anything more than the rattling of the prison bars of the caste
system which also breed the casteless? Why can't he take the next
step? Of course, Gandhi is not afraid of the anger from those who,
in his opinion, do wrong. And he won't be the first to break away
from that tradition. There are two reform movements in India which
have abolished both the caste system and the idols of the Gods.
They are the Bramo-Samaj and the Arya-Samaj."
GANDHI AND THE POOR
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Moving dispensary for the peasants,
around 1930.
Foto: S. D. Kalelkas. In the files of Holger
Terp.
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"And so Gandhi goes out to the villages, to his hungry
milions, with their illiteracy and their superstitions, their
in-debtedness and their slave mentality. What will he teach them,
how will he help them? He wants to teach the physiology of
nutriton, hygiene and handicrafts. This is fine. If they eat their
rice whole, press their own oil, and spin and weave their own
clothes, then they will be better fed and they will save a little
money for their clothing. If in five to six months they work 11
hours per day, they can earn 13 annas which is the wage the
Zamindars pay. (1) Because the villagers' requirements are at an absolute
minimum in the first place, having food or starving could be one
and the same thing. The situation in the Indian villages is much
like the age of villenage in our own country even worse. Extreme
pressure comes from taxation forced upon them by a foreign power -
taxes from which they receive nothing back. Not a well, not a road,
not a school, not a hospital nor a doctor. They have only the
option of going to the money-lenders as soon as they can't pay the
taxes. And the English even collect taxes in so called
hunger-districts. Misused by the money-lenders who take up to 200 %
interest, the peasants are forced to go to the zamindars to sell
their future labour in order to keep their land. Each year, getting
nearer the abyss, they are forced to sell their grain as soon as it
is ready for harvest. Of couse, the buyers use the peasants'
privation in order to lower the prices. When the harvest is over,
the price may be raised so the buyer takes the revenue that could
have helped the peasants if he could have waited".
"Gandhi says that he is out doing purely social work.
If he is, I cannot agree with him. What he can do could only help a
neglible number of people. And this is no way for the peasants of
India to gain a human existence. What they really need is political
education, organization and self-confidence to make them capable of
raising a determined resistance against their oppressors. No
demands are more justified than theirs, but nothing can gain them
their justice before they understand they already have a right to
it".
"Gandhi does not teach them that. He brings them the
gospel of moderation and resignation which in his views is the road
to human satisfaction. When the masses are not starving, then the
money-lenders, the zamindars and the capitalists will take what
they have left. Poverty doesn't bring satisfaction. The possibility
for satisfaction is within each human being, but nobody has the
right to let others suffer from need. Gandhi doesn't preach revolt
against all those who oppress the peasants. He wants to teach them
instead to get a little more out of what they already have, to earn
something in the dry season by hand-labour, even though it is very
little because they haven't another choice". (2)
"But is this not the same gospel which all the churches
and priests of all religions, in union with the rulers and the
capitalists, have preached from the beginning of time? And is it
not just this that all the advocates of the rights of the masses
are fighting to destroy; the teaching of moderation and resignation
to those who all their lives have been nothing but moderate and
resigned, with reference to the glory of the next life? While those
who have plenty in this life couldn't imagine exchanging it for the
hereafter".
"Gandhi also brings God. But he also brings his own
teaching, because he believes that it is the road to satisfaction -
which it is. For him. This is the difference between Gandhi and
other churches and their servants. Gandhi thinks that it is he who
is exploiting the capitalists because they give funds for his work
in the villages. He doesn't realise that they are the ones who use
him to keep the peasants' dissatisfaction down and to support the
spirit of fatalism and despair which encourages them to run after
the carriges of the zamindars bowing and thanking him for keeping
them alive; just as in other countries villeinage peasants like the
Danish "Jeppe on the Mount" (famous play by the playright Ludvig
Holberg), or the Russians who called their landlord
'father'".
GANDHI AND THE WORKERS
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Police carrying demonstraters away,
around 1930.Unsourced.
In the files of Holger Terp.
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"What is Gandhi's opinion on the workers' struggle?
Gandhi does not want a class struggle. Capitalists and workers
should be good neighbours and co-operate. Work is capital too! As
soon as the workers are properly educated and organized, no
capital, no matter how big it is, can overcome them. Yet Gandhi
himself leads strikes, and this is class struggle. Unions and
strikes are the workers' weapon in the class struggle. Gandhi
doesn't want India to become industrialized. He would rather avoid
the creation of a workers' proletariat. But this is in opposition
to the interest of the Indian workers. What has driven the Indian
workers into their present misery is, first and foremost,
unemployment. The English took the raw materials of India, which
she until then had prepared herself, made a living for the English
workers by producing the final goods, and then forced the Indians
to buy from them. The sooner India gets an industry the better, so
the country can produce its own goods. Thereby, the manufacturers'
money will stay in the country and more Indians will be employed,
plus a big labour organization will be a strong weapon in the fight
for proper wages".
GANDHI AS POLITICAN
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Gandhi at the beginning of the salt
march,
March 12, 1930. Unsourced.
In the files of Holger Terp.
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"Gandhi is not fit to be a politican. The political
game is played with the same rules as in war. The result of the
fight is partly due to the strength of the two forces and partly
due to their ability to judge the enemy. In the First World War
thousands of human lives were sacrificed because of poor
calculations of the strength of the enemy. And most important in
war and politics is to attack at the right moment, to use the
chances when they are there and to avoid falling into an
ambush.
A personality like Gandhi's is not fit for the war
called politics. He is an idealist, a visionary. The line he
follows is not a political one. He does not unchangeably strive
toward pre-selected and pre-determinated goals. He lacks a definite
goal. He says, 'The final goal we know nothing about, but the means
we are masters of ourselves.' The line Mahatma Gandhi is following
has gone through many changes, influenced by too many religious,
moral and ethical considerations. There is something accidental,
capricious, about the policy of the Congres, resulting in adverse
effects upon its relationship with the British
goverment.
This is clearly shown by the incidents of 1922. Gandhi
had promised the country independence before the year had passed.
When it didn't come Gandhi decided to begin a no-tax campaign. The
whole country prepared feverishly for the struggle. Gandhi
addressed the ultimatum to the British viceroy. The wave of ecstacy
reached a peak. But before the answer from the viceroy came, an
accident happened which overthrew the whole thing. Some peasants,
angered by the brutality of the police, set fire to a police
station and killed some constables in Chauri-Chaura. Gandhi,
terribly shaken and disappointed by this isolated incident of lack
of self-control, stopped the movement throughout the entire
country. The other leaders were outraged. And there was a revolt
inside the Congress. But the moment had passed. The chance lost.
Gandhi sacrified the political for the ethical.
One example of how he understands how to unite both
parts in an effective and dramatic way is his departure from the
Congress. He left because he felt like a dictator who forced others
to follow him against their consciousness. This move was an
admission of the fact that there was an opposition against him and
his leadership. Pierre Ceresole said that Gandhi hoped that the
Congress Party, liberated from the pressure of his personal
presence, would more easily find the right way in the right spirit.
He left in order to give the opposition open opportunities. A
politician could never act more ethically. Even so, Gandhi did not
forget the political aspects.
Before he left, he excluded all opposition members from
the working committee of the Congress Party. He wanted the working
committee united. And he made it a personal referendum. He then
departed, leaving a leadership consisting only of his own
followers, people who would do nothing without him - who admired
him as a human being and followed him as a prophet. It is
impossible to conclude other than Gandhi left the Congress in order
to strengthen his influence in the country and at the same to
secure his power within the Congress. Certainly, he couldn't have
acted more politically at that moment. And seldom, if ever, has a
single man had as many followers as Gandhi."
-
(Return to text) Native landholders who collected land
tax for the British.
-
(Return to text) The following quote is an example of
the average contemporary analyses of Gandhi's suggestions for
ending poverty and unemployment, offered here as a contrast to
Ellen Hørup's analysis."
When asked what measures he would suggest for this
great work of filling the empty stomachs of the people, Dr. Mann
said that much could be done by the people themselves. They must
put themselves to work, for no country could ever hope to be
prosperous if the majority of its population were idle for six
months of the year.
The people must be given some work, no matter how small the income
derived therefrom, during the dry season, and Dr. Mann said that no
matter in what other way Mr. Gandhi had gone astray, he had
penetrated into the secret of the poverty of India when he had
advocated the spinning wheel, no matter if it would only produce a
few annas a day". (Gregg, Richard B.: Economies of Khaddar.
- Calcutta : S. Danesen. 1928. pp. 107).
Read introduction to Ellen Hørups writings about Gandhi here.
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