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Kronologi over fredssagen og international politik 13. november 2004 / Timeline November 13, 2004

Version 3.5

12. November 2004, 14. November 2004


11/13/2004
Iraq: The War, the Occupation and International Law; The Stockholm Hearing, November 13-14, 2004
A public hearing about the war against Iraq and the ongoing occupation was held on November 13-14 in Stockholm. The theme of the hearing was "Iraq: the War, the Occupation and International Law". Among the participants were Iraqi witnesses and experts coming directly from Baghdad, a number of Swedes with experience from Iraq, prominent academics, experts in International Law from a number of countries, peace research workers and publicists.
The hearing that was arranged by the Swedish Committee for the World Tribunal on Iraq was a continuation of the broad public opinion movement that in the beginning of 2003 manifested itself in the largest peace demonstrations ever to take place in Sweden on the eve of and after the military attack on Iraq. The hearing aimed both to provide information and to activate Swedish public opinion, as well as to make a contribution on the global level to the Wold Tribunal on Iraq.
The conclusions presented here are a short summary based on their presentations, the questionings during the hearing, written documentation and relevant international conventions and principles of international law.
I. The War, International Law and the Global Power Politics of the United States
The war on Iraq that started on March 20, 2003 and which was initiated and led by the US was an illegal war of aggression and as such in breach of the UN charter and existing international law. This has been made clear by the UN General Secretary and, among others, the Swedish government. The war must be characterized a crime against peace, which constitutes the most severe of all international crimes and which was one of the four categories of crime at the Nuremburg Trials in 1946.
The outlawing of the use of force is the cornerstone in the UN charter and the result of century old efforts to declare war illegal and eliminate it as a means to solve international conflicts. By adopting in 2002 an official doctrine which advocates so-called pre-emptive wars, the US government has openly challenged the basic principle of peaceful co-existence between states. The failure to protest against this officially announced doctrine of attack undermines the UN charter.
All governments must in their bilateral relations and in different international forums once more express their support for the UN charter and its absolute outlawing of the use of force and intensify their condemnations of the war of aggression against Iraq by the US and its allies. What is needed now is once again the formation of a powerful global public opinion, embraced by both governments and popular movements, against war doctrines and for support of the basic principles of the UN charter and especially the outlawing of the use of force in the relation between states.
II. The Occupation of Iraq: impact on society, economy, culture and health
The military attack on Iraq was carried out with great ruthlessness and resulted in widespread destruction of life and property. The occupation powers, led by the US with their full responsibility for order and security, have to take the consequences for the large-scale destruction and plundering of Iraqi buildings and property which took place during the period shortly after the start of the occupation. The extent of the destruction and the magnitude of the cost of the re-construction have consistently been underestimated by the US.
The cultural treasures in Iraq, which are part of the heritage of human civilization, have been plundered. Education and health care are in a state of acute crisis.
The US has used its position as an occupant, in breach of the Hague Convention, to fragmentize, privatize, reshape and force the Iraqi economy into a state of dependency and deprived the Iraqi people their long term possibilities to make sovereign economic and political decisions in their own interests.
The decisions taken by the occupation powers and which are in breach of international legal principles shall not and can not be approved by the world community of states. The US must cease all requirements and dictates which affect or can affect the Iraqi economy and social structure.
In accordance with international legal principles, which are obligations for an occupation power, the demand must now be consistently made that the US and its allies unconditionally pay reparations and fully cover the costs for the reconstruction of Iraq after the damage caused by the war and the occupation.
III. The Occupation of Iraq: humanitarian law and human rights
US military operations in Iraq have since the beginning of the attack and the start of the occupation been carried out with blatant brutality and a reckless disregard of humanitarian law, including applicable articles in the Geneva conventions.
The bombings, the blockades and the military raids into Iraqi cities that strive to preserve their identity arouse disgust. The attack on the city of Falluja has caused heavy civilian losses and hundred of thousands people have been driven away as refugees. These outrages must be emphatically condemned.
The systematic torture in Abu Ghraib and other prisons has chocked a whole world. These violations and atrocities have been found to be part of a deliberate policy, with direct connections to the US government, to disregard the absolute prohibition of torture, one of the strongest legal norms of International Law. The ban against torture is explicitly stated in a number of conventions, and the torture of prisoners of war constitutes a severe war crime.
The world community must react with utmost rigour against the US atrocities in Iraq, otherwise the confidence in the whole international system for humanitarian law and human rights will be undermined. All states that have signed the Geneva conventions have a common obligation to act upon breaches against the conventions. All possibilities to act in order to investigate and condemn the crimes committed must be tried within the framework of the convention against torture, the conventions on human rights and the UN Commission on Human Rights. This puts demands on both states and popular movements to act quickly and decisively.
IV. Self -Determination and Democracy for the Iraqi People or continued Occupation?
Iraq is still in all essential matters an occupied country. Peace, self-determination and democracy for Iraq require that the occupation forces leave the country and that the Iraqi people themselves and without interference from abroad shall decide upon their constitution and their form of government.
The elections which are planned by the regime installed by the occupation powers do not fulfil basic democratic principles for self-determination and excludes a large part of the electorate from the political process. Their purpose is only to legitimize the continued control of the country and will be followed by a protracted war against the continued resistance against the presence of the foreign troops.
Instead of accepting a continued war in Iraq the UN and its member states must take steps to reach an immediate political solution which includes the withdrawal of the foreign occupation forces, negotiations with participation of all Iraqi parties including the resistance, to carry out a genuine process of self-determination with democratic elections to put an end to the conflict and form the foundation for peace, reconciliation and rebuilding in Iraq. This is the model which the UN has acted in accordance with at the ending of other occupations and conflicts.
The conclusions have been summarized by a panel with the following members:
Maj Britt Theorin, former member of the EU parliament and former Swedish Ambassador for Disarmament (Chairman of the panel)
Peter Curman, chairman of the Swedish Joint Committee for Artistic and Literary Professionals (KLYS).
Stig Gustafsson, former head of legal department at The Swedish Confederation of Professional Employees (TCO), and former member of the Swedish parliament
Silakh Krikeb, Chairman of the Swedish Association of Muslim Students
Christian Hårleman, Chairman of the Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research (TFF)
Vivi Löfstedt, The Swedish Committee for the World Tribunal on Iraq
Lars Gunnar Liljestrand, The Swedish Committee for the World Tribunal on Iraq
Jan Lönn, The Swedish Committee for the World Tribunal on Iraq (Secretary of the panel)

11/13/2004

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