Det danske Fredsakademi
Kronologi over fredssagen og international politik 23. Juli
1939 / Time Line July 23, 1939
Version 3.0
22. Juli 1939, 24. Juli 1939
07/23/1939
Pacifisten og flygtningevennen Arne Hansen fødes.
07/23/1939
Mahatma Gandhi
skriver til Hitler /
Mahatma Gandhi writes to Hitler.
As at Wardha,
December 24, 1940
DEAR FRIEND,
That I address you as a friend is no formality. I own no foes. My
business in life has been for the past 33 years to enlist the
friendship of the whole of humanity by befriending mankind,
irrespective of race, colour or creed.
I hope you will have the time and desire to know how a good portion
of humanity who have view living under the influence of that
doctrine of universal friendship view your action. We have no doubt
about your bravery or devotion to your fatherland, nor do we
believe that you are the monster described by your opponents. But
your own writings and pronouncements and those of your friends and
admirers leave no room for doubt that many of your acts are
monstrous and unbecoming of human dignity, especially in the
estimation of men like me who believe in universal friendliness.
Such are your humiliation of Czechoslovakia, the rape of Poland and
the swallowing of Denmark. I am aware that your view of life
regards such spoliations as virtuous acts. But we have been taught
from childhood to regard them as acts degrading humanity. Hence we
cannot possibly wish success to your arms.
But ours is a unique position. We resist British Imperialism no
less than Nazism. If there is a difference, it is in degree.
One-fifth of the human race has been brought under the British heel
by means that will not bear scrutiny. Our resistance to it does not
mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them, not to
defeat them on the battle-field. Ours is an unarmed revolt against
the British rule. But whether we convert them or not, we are
determined to make their rule impossible by non-violent
non-co-operation. It is a method in its nature indefensible. It is
based on the knowledge that no spoliator can compass his end
without a certain degree of co-operation, willing or compulsory, of
the victim. Our rulers may have our land and bodies but not our
souls. They can have the former only by complete destruction of
every Indian—man, woman and child. That all may not rise to
that degree of heroism and that a fair amount of frightfulness can
bend the back of revolt is true but the argument would be beside
the point. For, if a fair number of men and women be found in India
who would be prepared without any ill will against the spoliators
to lay down their lives rather than bend the knee to them, they
would have shown the way to freedom from the tyranny of violence. I
ask you to believe me when I say that you will find an unexpected
number of such men and women in India. They have been having that
training for the past 20 years.
We have been trying for the past half a century to throw off the
British rule. The movement of independence has been never so strong
as now. The most powerful political organization, I mean the Indian
National Congress, is trying to achieve this end. We have attained
a very fair measure of success through non-violent effort. We were
groping for the right means to combat the most organized violence
in the world which the British power represents. You have
challenged it. It remains to be seen which is the better organized,
the German or the British. We know what the British heel means for
us and the non-European races of the world. But we would never wish
to end the British rule with German aid. We have found in
non-violence a force which, if organized, can without doubt match
itself against a combination of all the most violent forces in the
world. In non-violent technique, as I have said, there is no such
thing as defeat. It is all ‘do or die’ without killing
or hurting. It can be used practically without money and obviously
without the aid of science of destruction which you have brought to
such perfection. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that it
is nobody’s monopoly. If not the British, some other power
will certainly improve upon your method and beat you with your own
weapon. You are leaving no legacy to your people of which they
would feel proud. They cannot take pride in a recital of cruel
deed, however skilfully planned. I, therefore, appeal to you in the
name of humanity to stop the war. You will lose nothing by
referring all the matters of dispute between you and Great Britain
to an international tribunal of your joint choice. If you attain
success in the war, it will not prove that you were in the right.
It will only prove that your power of destruction was greater.
Whereas an award by an impartial tribunal will show as far as it is
humanly possible which party was in the right.
You know that not long ago I made an appeal to every Briton to
accept my method of non-violent resistance. I did it because the
British know me as a friend though a rebel. I am a stranger to you
and your people. I have not the courage to make you the appeal I
made to every Briton. Not that it would not apply to you with the
same force as to the British. But my present proposal is much
simple because much more practical and familiar.
During this season when the hearts of the peoples of Europe yearn
for peace, we have suspended even our own peaceful struggle. Is it
too much to ask you to make an effort for peace during a time which
may mean nothing to you personally but which must mean much to the
millions of Europeans whose dumb cry for peace I hear, for my ears
are attended to hearing the dumb millions? I had intended to
address a joint appeal to you and Signor Mussolini, whom I had the
privilege of meeting when I was in Rome during my visit to England
as a delegate to the Round Table Conference. I hope that he will
take this as addressed to him also with the necessary changes.
I am,
Your sincere friend,
M. K. GANDHI
07/23/1939
Republikken Hatay indlemmes i Tyrkiet.
07/23/1939
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